 |
Vixi: Memoirs of a Non-Belonger by Richard Pipes
Book Summary InformationAuthor: Richard Pipes Edition: Paperback Audio: English (Original Language); English (Unknown); English (Published) Published: 2006-01-12 ISBN: 0300109652 Number of pages: 320 Publisher: Yale University Press
Book Reviews of Vixi: Memoirs of a Non-BelongerBook Review: "We must put the Soviet Union on the defensive" Summary: 4 Stars"On October 6, Hitler came to survey the conquered capital of Poland. I watched him from our window on the fourth floor; there were German soldiers with guns posted every few feet along the route on Marszalkowska, the city's main thoroughfare, and below our house. He rode in an open Mercedes, standing up in the familiar pose, giving the Nazi salute." Richard Pipes was 16 then, and by October 30 was in Rome with his parents desperately trying to make their way out of Europe. Thanks to his father, having saved and safeguarded $3,348 in a foreign bank account, they were ultimately successful.
Flash forward to 1981-1982 and the White House. There one would find Ronald Reagan in the Oval office, oft inclined to ask, according to others present when matters concerning Poland, Eastern European politics, or the Soviet Union's behavior was discussed, "What does Dick Pipes think?" Professor Pipes (author of A Concise History of the Russian Revolution & Communism: A History (Modern Library Chronicles) was then responsible for Soviet issues at the National Security Council.
"Reagan delivered stirring speeches against communism, but he never spelled out, unemotionally, the theoretical underpinnings of his policies," at least not in public. A secret directive was crafted, however, under Mr. Pipes' direction, to promote Reagan's goals. National Security Directive 75 (NSDD 75): "To promote, within the narrow limits available to us, the process of change in the Soviet Union toward a more pluralistic political and economic system in which the power of the privileged elite is gradually reduced. The U.S. recognizes that Soviet aggressiveness has deep roots in the internal system, and that relations with the USSR should therefore take into account whether or not they help to strengthen the system and its capacity to engage in aggression."
"We must put the Soviet Union on the defensive," Pipes, behind closed doors, repeatedly advised. "In none of these countries [Ethiopia, Angola, Ghana, N. Korea, N. Vietnam, Cuba, Chile, and Nicaragua] did Moscow establish hegemony by military conquest. As our unfortunate war in Vietnam demonstrated, it was impossible to stanch communist expansion by military means, for communism had metastasized globally. Hence, it was hopeless undertaking to try to prevent its further spread at the periphery: one had to strike at the very heart of Soviet imperialism, its system."
"...it was the system that drove the Soviet Union to aggression. This being the case, we had to do all in our power to change the system, mainly by a policy of economic denial and a vigorous rearmament program. The former would require Moscow to reform its command economy; the latter would demonstrate to it the futility of attempting to gain military superiority over us."
The thinking that colored this view became apparent whence Polish generals attempted to crush the Solidarity movement in Poland. Reagan's mounting fury at the communists was very much in evidence then, Mr. Pipes says herein. Reagan felt, as he put it at a meeting of Dec 22 that this was "the last chance of a lifetime to go against this damned force." "On Reagan's insistence,' and despite the opposition of many in his cabinet, "quite severe punitive measures were adopted." US sanctions against Poland cost that country billions of dollars a year, billions of dollars that the USSR was forced to cover. All the time the Polish underground was supported financially, as well. The land of Mr. Pipes was to be free again shortly thereafter, thanks in large part to Ronald Reagan (in conjunction with Pope John Paul ll---they coordinated strategy on this, and with able input from a doggedly focused Mr. Pipes himself.
Peter Struve, a Marxist in tsarist, then Soviet Russia, predicted in the 1920s that communism was unreformable. Professor Pipes wrote a biography of this man, fascinated, he tells us, by Struve's "uncompromising intellectual integrity and civil courage: the readiness to follow his thoughts to their logical conclusion no matter how unpopular they might prove to be." And Mr. Pipes became very unpopular himself, not only with the powers-that-were within the USSR, but within the field of Soviet history, and in the political arena while he was in Washington. Professor Pipes was in the minority, of those studying the USSR, willing to call a spade, a spade, and rail against repression when he saw it. He was one of the few scholars focusing on the USSR who did so bereft of sympathetic or accommodative blinders. Russian nationalists repeatedly accused him of `Russophobia, and liberals repeatedly accused him of hating Russia. To which he responds herein: "I would hardly have devoted my life to studying a people I disliked." He just couldn't countenance the repression inherent in the Soviet system. The "deliberate eschewal of the human and the moral in dealing with the Soviet Union characterized the entire profession of `Sovietology' and accounted in good measure for its dismal failure to foresee that country's fate."
"The Sovietological community," in Professor Pipes' words, "was first and foremost committed to bringing the two adversaries together and in so doing ignored or downplayed whatever ran counter to this objective." Pipes posits herein that "...a scholar has no such fixed criteria by which to judge success..." "His principal criterion of success is approval of peers. This means he must cultivate them, which makes for conformity and `group think.'" Mr. Pipes didn't swim in that pond, however, and thank God for that. As Mr. Pipes explains: "The main effect of the Holocaust on my psyche was to make me delight in every day of life that has been granted to me, for I was saved from certain death. I felt and feel to this day that I have been spared not to waste my life on self-indulgence or self-aggrandizement but to spread a moral message by showing, using examples from history, how evil ideas lead to evil consequences."
It accounts, moreover, why this engaging and most worthy book of a very respectable individual is subtitled: "Memoirs of a non-belonger." (08Jul) Cheers
Summary of Vixi: Memoirs of a Non-BelongerSixteen-year-old Richard Pipes escaped from Nazi-occupied Warsaw with his family in October 1939. Their flight took them to the United States by way of Italy, and Pipes went on to earn a college degree, join the U.S. Air Corps, serve as professor of Russian history at Harvard for nearly forty years, and become adviser to President Reagan on Soviet and Eastern European affairs. In this engrossing book, the eminent historian remembers the events of his own remarkable life as well as the unfolding of some of the twentieth century's most extraordinary political events. From his youthful memories of bombs falling on Warsaw to his recollections of the conflicts inside the Reagan administration over American policies toward the USSR, Pipes offers penetrating observations as well as fascinating portraits of such cultural and political figures as Isaiah Berlin, Ronald Reagan, and Alexander Haig. Perhaps most interesting of all, Pipes depicts his evolution as a historian and his understanding of how history is witnessed and how it is recorded.
|
 |