Unruly Americans and the Origins of the Constitution

Unruly Americans and the Origins of the Constitution
by Woody Holton

Unruly Americans and the Origins of the Constitution
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Book Summary Information

Author: Woody Holton
Edition: Paperback
Audio: English (Unknown); English (Original Language); English (Published)
Published: 2008-10-14
ISBN: 0809016435
Number of pages: 384
Publisher: Hill and Wang

Book Reviews of Unruly Americans and the Origins of the Constitution

Book Review: Death? No, It's Always "Debt and Taxes"
Summary: 5 Stars

Did the Federal Constitution of 1787 rescue or betray the Revolution? And in either case, which did the Framers intend? Both sides of those questions have been earnestly and intelligently advocated by scholars of our times, and both viewpoints were explicitly argued by the supporters and opponents of ratification in 1788-89. Woody Holton is not so foolish as to try to answer the questions conclusively in his study of "The Origins of the Constitution". Instead, he determinedly makes the case for both viewpoints as the case was made by contemporaries of the Founders; he does so by examining the financial/fiscal conditions of the years between the end of the Revolution and the framing of the new Constitution, as well as "listening" to the analyses of those conditions by people who experienced them in radically different ways. This was no easy task, the research that Holton put into the book "Unruly Americans". Don't expect any kind of lightweight popularizing if you decide to read this book or Holton's extremely significant earlier book "Forced Founders: Indians, Debtors, Salves, and the Making of the American revolution in Virginia." Holton, by the way, is a professor of history at the University of Richmond.

One thing is virtually indisputable. Almost nobody was satisfied with the governance of the 13 liberated states under the structure called the Articles of Confederation. But the dissatisfaction wasn't only with the federal governance; it was more vociferously directed toward the governance of each of the states. It's hardly flagrant revisionism in 2010 CE to maintain that the Constitution of 1787 was a "conservative backlash" against runaway democracy unleashed by the Revolution itself. In fact, that's essentially the orthodoxy historical dogma since the work of Charles Beard early in the 20th C. Woody Holton acknowledges that position from the onset, but reveals that his research has led him to a more nuanced conclusion: that it was the perception of unbridled 'leveling' by the 13 states' governments which generated the desires of "leading men" to construct a stronger federal government. In other words, for Madison and the others who assembled to frame a new constitution, the chief goal was to restrain States' Rights!

So... the greatest pertinence of Holton's analysis should be the light it sheds on the hot-button question of "original intent" that roils politics in the USA today. In many ways, Holton reveals, the furious divisions over the balance of relations between the states and the federal government already existed in the 1780s. Of course, the side taken by anyone, ever, on the issue of States' Rights has always depended on "interests". The defense of slavery was the most obvious and inflammatory interest from the very start, but Holton discovers an economic dynamic -- in very simplified terms, the debtors versus the debt-holders -- that divided opinion internally in each of the 13 former colonies.

There are quite a number of "amusing" ironies to be noted in the "States' Rights" arguments against a powerful federal government, ev n before that central government was established:
* prior to 1787, it was generally the Rich who adamantly denounced "tax relief" by the various state governments. But it has to be understood that the tax relief of the 1780s was inherently at the expense of bond holders and speculators.
* the States' Rights position was usually associated with a tolerance for inflation, for the issuance of paper money, as a means of equalizing wealth through a kind of indirect taxation.
* the supporters of the state governments, and therefore opponents of the federal, generally favored "easy" immigration and feared that a tighter-money federal government would discourage immigration and disrupt the supply of labor as well as stifle development of new lands.
* central to the political thinking of States' Rights advocates, those who wanted the state governments to be even more 'democratic', was the view that a "republican' government could only thrive in a climate of rough economic equality; thus the most articulate States' Rights spokesmen openly supported measures to "redistribute" property and to discourage "concentration" of wealth! And this objective of "redistribution" could, in their minds, be achieved most efficiently by state governments maximally answerable to the broad electorate. Thus, many strong states' rights proponents also advocated elimination of the state senates (i.e. unicameral legislatures), strict 51% majority rule on all legislation including tax proposals, and abolishment of gubernatorial/executive veto powers.

For a tightly focused academic study, Holton's "Unruly Americans" manages to spare pages here and there for wide-ranging insights. One of the best chapters of the book treats the cultural paradigm of "sentiment" that both sides of the debate over debt and taxes invoked. Holton's reflections on Adam Smith are extremely enlightening; in fact, he has convinced this reader that Smith's economic thinking is incomplete and incomprehensible without taking account of Smith's other great book, "A Theory of Moral Sentiments". Holton also casts his net over the implications of the post-Revolution social turmoil for changes in expectations of equality -- of the poor, of slaves and freed slaves, and especially of women. The accounts and activities of Abigail Adams, an astute self-interested bond speculator, form a key resource for Holton's research.

I recommend both of Woody Holton's books enthusiastically, for all readers interested in American history and the deep roots of the polarization that typifies American politics today, despite the seeming tweedle-dee/tweedle-dum nature of the two political parties.

Summary of Unruly Americans and the Origins of the Constitution

Average Americans Were the True Framers of the Constitution

Woody Holton upends what we think we know of the Constitution?s origins by telling the history of the average Americans who challenged the framers of the Constitution and forced on them the revisions that produced the document we now venerate.  The framers who gathered in Philadelphia in 1787 were determined to reverse America?s post?Revolutionary War slide into democracy. They believed too many middling Americans exercised too much influence over state and national policies. That the framers were only partially successful in curtailing citizen rights is due to the reaction, sometimes violent, of unruly average Americans. 
 
If not to protect civil liberties and the freedom of the people, what motivated the framers? In Unruly Americans and the Origins of the Constitution, Holton provides the startling discovery that the primary purpose of the Constitution was, simply put, to make America more attractive to investment. And the linchpin to that endeavor was taking power away from the states and ultimately away from the people. In an eye-opening interpretation of the Constitution, Holton captures how the same class of Americans that produced Shays?s Rebellion in Massachusetts (and rebellions in damn near every other state) produced the Constitution we now revere.
 
Unruly Americans and the Origins of the Constitution is a 2007 National Book Award Finalist for Nonfiction.

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