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Dream Palace of the Arabs: A Generation's Odyssey by Fouad Ajami
Book Summary InformationAuthor: Fouad Ajami Edition: Paperback Audio: English (Unknown); English (Original Language); English (Published) Published: 1999-06-29 ISBN: 0375704744 Number of pages: 368 Publisher: Vintage
Book Reviews of Dream Palace of the Arabs: A Generation's OdysseyBook Review: A fresh look at the Dream Palace of the Arabs Summary: 5 Stars
This well-written book, first published in 1998, deserves a fresh reading. The book provides a good perspective and some answers for many of the questions that came up in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorists attack. The author dedicated his book to Tahseen Basheer, the Egyptian diplomat. Perhaps a brief answer to many of these questions is given by Mr. Basheer 's comment, that " Political Islam had been checked (in Egypt) in its bid for power, but the Islamization of society has gained ground ". The book reviewed the cultural history of the Middle East and its (political) Islamization in the late 20th century. It reviewed the societal change from progressive secular nationalism and modernity to theocracy and Islamic militancy marked with antiwestern tendencies. The book starts with the literary scene in Beirut, Lebanon in 1960's through the 1980's, where many Arabic writers, poets, and intellectuals found a haven from dictatorial rule back home and restrictions on the freedom of expression. As the Lebanese civil war took its toll, freedom seekers who settled in Beirut, had to find other havens in Paris, London, Canada, and the US. The conflict in the Middle East and the theocratic Khomeinie revolution contributed to the exasperation of communal conflicts in Lebanon. The new found oil wealth in the Arab oil producing states after 1973 and recession of the mid 1980's influenced or possibly accelerated the change of many of the once progressive Middle Eastern societies into regressive societies. The writer indicated that Egypt has always held an endless fascination for him. He attempted to present some of the subtlety and some of the pain of its uneven encounter with modernity. Egypt had an early start in modernization in the 19th and early 20th centuries, much earlier than other Arabic countries. Egypt provided a beacon of civilization, culture and inspiration for the rest of the Arabic world. The author recounted his childhood memories, and how his aunts shed the old veils, put on western attire and high heels, and enjoyed Egyptian literature. He reviewed the changes of the 1970's under President Sadat of Egypt. After a failed attempt to assassinate President Nasser of Egypt, he banned the Muslim Brothers organization, and jailed many of its members. Sadat freed them from prison and assisted their organization in an attempt to counter the socialist organizations of his predecessor Nasser. Preachers and religious activists drawn from the Muslim brothers were given access to the airwaves and print media and became icons of popular culture in Egypt. They, however, dabbled in incendiary material, advocated an Islamic state, and hounded the indigenous Christians of Egypt, the Copts. They made no secret of their view that the best the Copts would hope for was a diminished and subordinate status. The incendiary militant Islamic propaganda against the Copts was followed by violent attacks.To this the Egyptian state turned a blind eye. The Copts is the largest indigenous Christian population in the Middle East. The author commented on the Copts demographic weight as one of the great riddles of Egypt. Rifaat Said, an Egyptian political observer, is quoted saying " we count everything in Egypt, the only thing we do not count are the Copts. They have been 2 million since 1945, no body has died; no body has been born" .The militant Islamic groups prefer a low estimate of the Copts as it suits their political agenda to suppress the rights of the Christian population and to relegate them to the status of a subjugated people, Dhimmitude. Adel Hussein, a noted figure in the militant Islamic movement told the author, that the population of the Copts was only 2 million or close to 3% of the total population. The Copts contend that their number is underestimated. Some believe it could be 15-20 % of the total population. Under Sadat the militant Islamic teaching penetrated the educational curriculum. In schools captured by the Militant Islamic groups, the national anthem and the Egyptian flag were banned. These groups considered the Egyptian national anthem and flag as un-Islamic symbols. The propaganda of the Militant Islamic groups led to a culture of discrimination and bigotry against the Copts. An unwritten pact, both in private companies and the government, has been followed to limit the employment of the Christians. In 1990, a Muslim cleric declared that the wealth of the Copts was "halal", i.e. permissible for plunder. The same cleric was convicted later for involvement in the 1993 terrorist attack against the New York World Trade Center. The militant Islamic groups terrorized the Copts, murdered pharmacists and gold smiths and looted their property and money. The author also wrote about the plight of Muslim Intellectuals. Nobel Laureate Nagib Mahfouz, a national Egyptian icon and a well-respected author was the subject of a failed murder attempt by militant Muslims. Farag Fouda another Muslim intellectual was murdered in summer 1992 by militant Muslims. The author recounted other episodes to intimidate and suppress Muslim intellectuals, opposed to the theocratic school of thought. Many commentators opine that western analysts have underestimated or misread actions by Militant Islamic groups. This book provides a brief review for many of the events or dots on the screen, which could have assisted the analysts.
Summary of Dream Palace of the Arabs: A Generation's OdysseyFrom Fouad Ajami, an acclaimed author and chronicler of Arab politics, comes a compelling account of how a generation of Arab intellectuals tried to introduce cultural renewals in their homelands through the forces of modernity and secularism. Ultimately, they came to face disappointment, exile, and, on occasion, death. Brilliantly weaving together the strands of a tumultuous century in Arab political thought, history, and poetry, Ajami takes us from the ruins of Beirut's once glittering metropolis to the land of Egypt, where struggle rages between a modernist impulse and an Islamist insurgency, from Nasser's pan-Arab nationalist ambitions to the emergence of an uneasy Pax Americana in Arab lands, from the triumphalism of the Gulf War to the continuing anguished debate over the Israeli-Palestinian peace accords.
For anyone who seeks to understand the Middle East, here is an insider's unflinching analysis of the collision between intellectual life and political realities in the Arab world today. The Arab world, writes Palestinian scholar Fouad Ajami, has been beset for years by divisions: religious, social, economic, and political. Many of these divisions came to the fore during the time of the Persian Gulf War, a "foreigners' rescue" in response to Saddam Hussein's attempt to seize Kuwait, which was, Ajami hints, in part a reaction against Iranian designs on the Gulf. Even those Arab intellectuals who supported Allied intervention at the time are now questioning whether it was the best solution to what they believe was a local problem. Ajami writes of the role of some of these intellectuals in shaping the culture of the region, among them the Lebanese writer Khalil Hawi, who committed suicide in the wake of Israel's invasion of his country in 1982. He also examines the terror that religious fundamentalists have been visiting on secular states such as Egypt, "a country with a remarkable record of political stability" that, Ajami believes, will be able to ride out the present storm. Ajami's essays will be most revealing for students of contemporary politics and Arabic history.
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